Kirkuk deserves more than hollow promises
13/04/2005 KurdishMedia.com - By Saadulla Abdulla
The ethnic groups in Kirkuk are unhappy about the situation, political and economic, in their city. They engaged in never-ending bickering, groaning and moaning, and accusing each other for the many ills and misfortunes that beset their lives in this historic ancient city.
KurdishMedia.com writer Saadulla Abdulla reports from Kirkuk
After a long and frustrating waiting the people of Kirkuk were pleasantly surprised by strong statements on the future of their city issued by the leader of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, KDP, Mas’ud Barzani and the leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, PUK, Jalal Talabani.
The strongman of the KDP, Mas’ud Barzani, announced that Kirkuk was historically and ethnically a Kurdish city. He demanded the government to recognize the Kurdish identity of the city and called for the city to be incorporated administratively into the federal Kurdish region.
Barzani went a step further and shocked everyone when he issued an unequivocal warning to the Iraqi interim rulers. He threatened he would not hesitate to severe all links with Baghdad and use force to regain the city and bring it back to the Kurdish bosom, should Baghdad choose to ignore his demands. Barzani called Kirkuk “the heart of Kurdistan” and ruled out any compromise over the Kurdish identity of the ancient city.
The PUK strongman, Jalal Talabani, followed suit and drew parallels between Kirkuk and Al-Qudis, saying the city is as important and revered to the Kurds as Al-Qudis to the Arabs. Although the people of Kurdistan did not like the comparison with Al-Qudis, describing it as unfortunate, ill-thought and ill-advised, the statement nevertheless sent a signal to Baghdad to the effect that Talabani, too, was committed to rectify the wrongs committed against the Kurds in Kirkuk.
The people of Kurdistan, in particular the Kurdish community in Kirkuk, were jubilant, joyful and, perhaps for the first time, optimistic about the future of their city.
Sadly, their joy and jubilation were short lived as both Barzani and Talabani later watered down their demand over Kirkuk. They issued new statements limiting their demand to only the full and expedient implementation of the Article 58 of the Iraqi interim constitution, a.k.a. as the State Administration Law.
Talabani, on his part, repeated this in a speech at his inauguration ceremony as the first elected president of Iraq. The sudden shift in policy, though a prominent feature of the Kurdish politics, stunned the entire people of Kurdistan.
The Article 58 is the essence of the Iraqi interim constitution. It condemns the policy of ethnic cleansing perpetrated by the former regime against the Kurdish people in many areas, towns and cities. Kirkuk, in particular, bore the brunt of the heinous crimes committed within the frame of the policy, a.k.a. as the policy of Arabization of Kurdistan.
Article 58 unequivocally and specifically calls for the complete reversal of the effects of the ethnic cleansing policy, but it does not deal in any way or manner with the issue of whether Kirkuk is a Kurdish city or not. The scope of the article is very limited and there is no provision in it to say that Kirkuk is Kurdish and that it should be included in the federal Kurdistan region.
The article therefore leaves the major issue of Kirkuk, which has been and still is the main obstacle and between the Kurds and the central government, unresolved. Kurds and successive Iraqi governments tried in the past to reach a deal over the city but all attempts failed miserably, leading on many occasions to renewed fighting between the two sides.
However, the article, if genuinely implemented, will undoubtedly lead to the full normalization of the situation not only in Kirkuk but also in areas that were subjected to the Arabization policy.
It remains to be said that the interim government of the former Iraqi Prime Minister Iyad Allawi refused to implement the article, despite consistent pressure from the Kurdish leadership duo, Barzani and Talabani.
Why the Kurds watered down and massaged their demands over Kirkuk at this early stage is still unclear. But the answer may lie in the negotiation skill, or lack of it, of the Kurds. “The Kurds are very bad negotiators and their negotiating partners unfortunately know this fact well. All they is to refuse the Kurds demands outright and the Kurds negotiators go back to their hotel and cross out a few points from their demand list”, said a Sulaymaniyah university lecturer who spoke on the condition of anonymity.
Historically every time the Kurdish leaders engage in negotiations with the central governments of the countries dividing their land, they came out empty handed. The most prominent case is the 1971 negotiation round between the late Mullah Mustafa Barzani and the now deposed dictator Saddam Hussaein. The agreement signed at the end of the negotiations, hailed by many as unique and historic, was in fact a pack of lies that paved the way to a period of unprecedented tragic events in the entire Kurdistan region.
On the ground, Kirkuk is still suffering and bleeding. There are three battles simultaneously raging in and over the ancient city. The political battle between the Kurds and the central government in Baghdad, the intercommunal battle among the ethnic groups in the city, particularly between the Kurds and the Turkomans, and the Kurdish infighting over the control of the city between the two main Kurdish political parties, the KDP and the PUK.
The ethnic composition of the city is one of the main factors in destabilizing the city. The main battle is of course between the Kurds and the Turkomans, both claiming the ownership of the city and accusing each other of resorting to unlawful means to control Kirkuk. The Arab community, very powerful and influential during Saddam area, plays a minor role only in that they sometimes side with the Turkomans in the hope of reducing the increasing military power and political influence of the ever-growing Kurdish community in the city.
The ethnic groups in Kirkuk are unhappy about the situation, political and economic, in their city. They engaged in never-ending bickering, groaning and moaning, and accusing each other for the many ills and misfortunes that beset their lives in this historic ancient city. The Turkomans blame the Kurds who blame the Arabs who blame the Assyrians who blame the Kurds who blame the Kurds who blame the Americans who don’t care. It is chaos in Kirkuk.
I have written extensively about the “unholy rivalry” between the KDP and the PUK; suffice it therefore to say here that the stupid and meaningless Kurdish infighting in Kirkuk is fierce and still ongoing, despite signs of some improvement in the relation between them at the Kurdistan level.
To give the reader a full picture about Kirkuk from a Kurdish point of view, I decided to go out, talk to people and gauge their opinion about the promises made by Talabani and Barzani.
It must be said that the prevalent view here is one of suspicion and mistrust. The majority of the people I spoke expressed doubt about Barzani and Talabani’s statement on the future of their city.
“Our so-called politicians will not hesitate to abandon as to the Iraqi army and the intelligence services again. They will do what suits them and their parties, not what is good for the people”’ said Mam Ali, an elderly man who lost five of his family members during the infamous Anfal campaign in 1988.
I even decided to talk the PUK and KDP sympathizers and activists and found some that agreed to speak on condition of anonymity. “To be honest with you KDP leaders don’t always match words with action”, a KDP official criticized his party.
“Mam [honorific] Jalal [Talabani] is dead serious about Kirkuk. Now he president of Iraq he will simply issue an presidential order and incorporate Kirkuk into Kurdistan”, said a confident and very loyal PUK man.
“Barzani and Talabani cannot afford to sell Kirkuk this time. If he decides to do that the people the people of Kurdistan will rise up against them, as they did against Saddam Hussein” said another PUK man in Kirkuk.
“The Kurdish leaders in the past abandoned Kirkuk and sold it to the enemy, there is no reason to believe that they will not do it again”, said a disgruntled pro-KDP teacher from Kirkuk.
The last view summarized the whole debate on the difficult issue of the future of Kirkuk. The question whether the city will remain as part of the central government or be administratively attached to the Kurdistan region remains open. The wheeling and dealing and horse-trading over the city, therefore, is going on.
The ethnic groups in Kirkuk are unhappy about the situation, political and economic, in their city. They engaged in never-ending bickering, groaning and moaning, and accusing each other for the many ills and misfortunes that beset their lives in this historic ancient city.
KurdishMedia.com writer Saadulla Abdulla reports from Kirkuk
After a long and frustrating waiting the people of Kirkuk were pleasantly surprised by strong statements on the future of their city issued by the leader of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, KDP, Mas’ud Barzani and the leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, PUK, Jalal Talabani.
The strongman of the KDP, Mas’ud Barzani, announced that Kirkuk was historically and ethnically a Kurdish city. He demanded the government to recognize the Kurdish identity of the city and called for the city to be incorporated administratively into the federal Kurdish region.
Barzani went a step further and shocked everyone when he issued an unequivocal warning to the Iraqi interim rulers. He threatened he would not hesitate to severe all links with Baghdad and use force to regain the city and bring it back to the Kurdish bosom, should Baghdad choose to ignore his demands. Barzani called Kirkuk “the heart of Kurdistan” and ruled out any compromise over the Kurdish identity of the ancient city.
The PUK strongman, Jalal Talabani, followed suit and drew parallels between Kirkuk and Al-Qudis, saying the city is as important and revered to the Kurds as Al-Qudis to the Arabs. Although the people of Kurdistan did not like the comparison with Al-Qudis, describing it as unfortunate, ill-thought and ill-advised, the statement nevertheless sent a signal to Baghdad to the effect that Talabani, too, was committed to rectify the wrongs committed against the Kurds in Kirkuk.
The people of Kurdistan, in particular the Kurdish community in Kirkuk, were jubilant, joyful and, perhaps for the first time, optimistic about the future of their city.
Sadly, their joy and jubilation were short lived as both Barzani and Talabani later watered down their demand over Kirkuk. They issued new statements limiting their demand to only the full and expedient implementation of the Article 58 of the Iraqi interim constitution, a.k.a. as the State Administration Law.
Talabani, on his part, repeated this in a speech at his inauguration ceremony as the first elected president of Iraq. The sudden shift in policy, though a prominent feature of the Kurdish politics, stunned the entire people of Kurdistan.
The Article 58 is the essence of the Iraqi interim constitution. It condemns the policy of ethnic cleansing perpetrated by the former regime against the Kurdish people in many areas, towns and cities. Kirkuk, in particular, bore the brunt of the heinous crimes committed within the frame of the policy, a.k.a. as the policy of Arabization of Kurdistan.
Article 58 unequivocally and specifically calls for the complete reversal of the effects of the ethnic cleansing policy, but it does not deal in any way or manner with the issue of whether Kirkuk is a Kurdish city or not. The scope of the article is very limited and there is no provision in it to say that Kirkuk is Kurdish and that it should be included in the federal Kurdistan region.
The article therefore leaves the major issue of Kirkuk, which has been and still is the main obstacle and between the Kurds and the central government, unresolved. Kurds and successive Iraqi governments tried in the past to reach a deal over the city but all attempts failed miserably, leading on many occasions to renewed fighting between the two sides.
However, the article, if genuinely implemented, will undoubtedly lead to the full normalization of the situation not only in Kirkuk but also in areas that were subjected to the Arabization policy.
It remains to be said that the interim government of the former Iraqi Prime Minister Iyad Allawi refused to implement the article, despite consistent pressure from the Kurdish leadership duo, Barzani and Talabani.
Why the Kurds watered down and massaged their demands over Kirkuk at this early stage is still unclear. But the answer may lie in the negotiation skill, or lack of it, of the Kurds. “The Kurds are very bad negotiators and their negotiating partners unfortunately know this fact well. All they is to refuse the Kurds demands outright and the Kurds negotiators go back to their hotel and cross out a few points from their demand list”, said a Sulaymaniyah university lecturer who spoke on the condition of anonymity.
Historically every time the Kurdish leaders engage in negotiations with the central governments of the countries dividing their land, they came out empty handed. The most prominent case is the 1971 negotiation round between the late Mullah Mustafa Barzani and the now deposed dictator Saddam Hussaein. The agreement signed at the end of the negotiations, hailed by many as unique and historic, was in fact a pack of lies that paved the way to a period of unprecedented tragic events in the entire Kurdistan region.
On the ground, Kirkuk is still suffering and bleeding. There are three battles simultaneously raging in and over the ancient city. The political battle between the Kurds and the central government in Baghdad, the intercommunal battle among the ethnic groups in the city, particularly between the Kurds and the Turkomans, and the Kurdish infighting over the control of the city between the two main Kurdish political parties, the KDP and the PUK.
The ethnic composition of the city is one of the main factors in destabilizing the city. The main battle is of course between the Kurds and the Turkomans, both claiming the ownership of the city and accusing each other of resorting to unlawful means to control Kirkuk. The Arab community, very powerful and influential during Saddam area, plays a minor role only in that they sometimes side with the Turkomans in the hope of reducing the increasing military power and political influence of the ever-growing Kurdish community in the city.
The ethnic groups in Kirkuk are unhappy about the situation, political and economic, in their city. They engaged in never-ending bickering, groaning and moaning, and accusing each other for the many ills and misfortunes that beset their lives in this historic ancient city. The Turkomans blame the Kurds who blame the Arabs who blame the Assyrians who blame the Kurds who blame the Kurds who blame the Americans who don’t care. It is chaos in Kirkuk.
I have written extensively about the “unholy rivalry” between the KDP and the PUK; suffice it therefore to say here that the stupid and meaningless Kurdish infighting in Kirkuk is fierce and still ongoing, despite signs of some improvement in the relation between them at the Kurdistan level.
To give the reader a full picture about Kirkuk from a Kurdish point of view, I decided to go out, talk to people and gauge their opinion about the promises made by Talabani and Barzani.
It must be said that the prevalent view here is one of suspicion and mistrust. The majority of the people I spoke expressed doubt about Barzani and Talabani’s statement on the future of their city.
“Our so-called politicians will not hesitate to abandon as to the Iraqi army and the intelligence services again. They will do what suits them and their parties, not what is good for the people”’ said Mam Ali, an elderly man who lost five of his family members during the infamous Anfal campaign in 1988.
I even decided to talk the PUK and KDP sympathizers and activists and found some that agreed to speak on condition of anonymity. “To be honest with you KDP leaders don’t always match words with action”, a KDP official criticized his party.
“Mam [honorific] Jalal [Talabani] is dead serious about Kirkuk. Now he president of Iraq he will simply issue an presidential order and incorporate Kirkuk into Kurdistan”, said a confident and very loyal PUK man.
“Barzani and Talabani cannot afford to sell Kirkuk this time. If he decides to do that the people the people of Kurdistan will rise up against them, as they did against Saddam Hussein” said another PUK man in Kirkuk.
“The Kurdish leaders in the past abandoned Kirkuk and sold it to the enemy, there is no reason to believe that they will not do it again”, said a disgruntled pro-KDP teacher from Kirkuk.
The last view summarized the whole debate on the difficult issue of the future of Kirkuk. The question whether the city will remain as part of the central government or be administratively attached to the Kurdistan region remains open. The wheeling and dealing and horse-trading over the city, therefore, is going on.
posted by Kourosh Abdi @ 7:18 AM
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